Wherein the author presents an alternative to battling the public commons with laws like SOPA, PIPA, ACTA, and the OPEN ACT.
Copyright is profoundly broken. Before making the moral case for “piracy”, it’s important to consider where we are now in terms of legislation and public response.
SOPA is probably dead, why does this still matter?
Congress, apparently, was surprised when the American public reacted so poorly and so loudly to SOPA in January 2012. Normally, when Congress is paid by lobbyists to write laws friendly to the intellectual property (IP) cartel, these laws pass without much public comment or interest, so when 7 million people signed the most prominent of many anti-SOPA web petitions, it was clear that if the IP lobby got its way, Americans might actually have the audacity to vote for Congressmen and Senators who actually opposed it.
This means the internet is safe, and everything is back to normal, right?
Not by a long shot. Many of the anti-SOPA press releases, videos, blogs, and testimony focuses on the fact that while everyone agrees that piracy must be combated, SOPA did much more than this by making having accurate search engines that might point to infringing content a crime, and making linking to infringing content a crime. Most of these anti-SOPA crusaders—and probably all of the commercial crusaders like Google, Reddit and Facebook—were not fighting to preserve a right to pirate, they were fighting to preserve a right to link or index without fear that someone, some day, might use their platform to link to infringing content that the owner of the website didn’t filter out. This is a good and reasonable stance to take for those involved, and it seems that as a result of this very public fight, SOPA is doomed to wander Congress until it finds the exit and is unceremoniously pushed out.
There is a big problem here, though, and it’s that everyone does not agree that piracy must be combated. For those who wish to make a practical or moral argument in defense of piracy, they’ve got a large problem on their hands: SOPA/PIPA aren’t the last act in this play. The OPEN Act is being offered as a substitute for the failures and overreaching of SOPA. Where SOPA was censorious and overbearing, and involved a lot of things other than internet piracy such as physical merchandise and prescription drug counterfeiting, the OPEN Act attempts to restrict itself to a smaller set of activities that are aimed at fighting piracy and those who engage in it.
When SOPA became big news at the end of 2011, several enthusiastic corporate supporters testified before Congress, and wrote in favour of SOPA on their blogs and press releases, and spoke in favour of it in interviews. Some such as NVIDIA and GoDaddy were publicly shamed for doing so, and forced to “retract” their support for SOPA. With the OPEN Act, the battle for passage is going to be different. Many companies who are wary of the public backlash of GoDaddy and other SOPA supporters are going to do exactly what they did in the SOPA battle when the OPEN Act gains steam: support it, keep their CEOs from cheering it on in their company blogs, and continue to financially support the political campaigns of those politicians who are friendly to the OPEN Act. There’s going to be less or at least different public companies talking about the OPEN Act, and they’re going probably not going to be sending out self-pitying protests like the MPAA’s CEO and former Senator Chris Dodd in response to the SOPA blackouts.
Worst of all, rather than Google and Facebook and a small army of graphic designers and video directors working on behalf of the side of the fight that piracy is on, they’re going to be working against these interests in the OPEN Act, unless a particularly rash Congressman successfully adds a particularly problematic modification. They’ve got a better name, too, and will be fighting to “keep the web open”. This raises the question, however, of who was trying to close it in the first place: the same Congress trying to “keep it open” with the OPEN Act. It’s a much more politically useful acronym than a lot of the mishmash Congress comes up with.
What is the OPEN Act?
The Online Protection and Enforcement of Digital Trade Act (OPEN Act) is a proposed alternative to the SOPA and PROTECT-IP acts. It is very much a work in progress, and a response to the more restrictive and punitive powers granted by SOPA and PROTECT-IP.
While certainly less authoritarian than SOPA and PROTECT-IP, it is still concerned with backing up the intellectual property regime with a set of tools to allow copyrights to be upheld internationally according to US laws, including dictating to financial transactions facilitators (like PayPal and Flattr) who it may and may not do business with, punishing advertisers, punishing any stakeholder for not fully cooperating with kangaroo court investigations, and then sending them the bill for the investigation. Rather than block access to websites, OPEN Act seeks to eliminate them by tying them up in protracted legal fights that they cannot afford to defend themselves properly from. This is justice only for those with the cash reserves to afford it. To top it off, any action the International Trade Commission takes can be vetoed by the US president.
Can you afford to be on the “wrong” side of the OPEN Act?
No. The IP cartel can afford to “donate to the election campaign” (bribe) US Senators and Congressmen, and you can not. They have the massed political clout of Hollywood, Wall Street and Main Street paying them to write the best legislation money can buy, and you do not. Most of the web’s opposition to SOPA is going to rally to the side of the OPEN Act, seeing it as better legislation and just as importantly, seeing it as legislation that will put the Congressional legislative itch to fight piracy at ease without affecting their users to the degree SOPA would.
The OPEN Act is bad legislation, and it represents a bad precedent. We cannot afford to have another DMCA-like bill pass. These bills exist to defend the intellectual property cartel against its own failing business models. The music establishment fought the introduction of consumer Digital Audio Tape and won, they fought the introduction of the hardware MP3 player and lost. But when the RIAA loses, it can still win: Diamond Multimedia won the lawsuit at a crippling price, and it cost the company its market share, tying down its cash reserves to its legal defense rather than developing its product lines.
We filed this lawsuit because unchecked piracy on the Internet threatens the development of a legitimate marketplace that consumers want. - RIAA statement, 1999
History has shown, however, in both the case of legal music downloading, streaming, and in the case of piracy, that the Internet is the marketplace that the consumers want. The RIAA isn’t merely at war with pirates or its customers, it’s a victim of its own business model which views the world of 2011 in terms of 1997.
What is piracy? Is it just stealing? Is it worth defending?
In order to understand the culture of piracy, it is crucial to understand that there are many reasons why piracy occurs, why people feel it is justified, and why people call certain activities “piracy”. No one answer captures the reasons piracy occurs, and this is often lost in IP-friendly media discussions of the sort that take place on news shows. The Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) and certain high profile artists working for them have nearly monopolized public expression of the debate in popular media. I therefore don’t need to re-iterate their arguments against piracy. Instead, I will describe a series of arguments for piracy as promoted by people who actually engage in it.
Greed And Thrift
People want something for free. In this economy, even people who are willing to buy music often feel they don’t have the disposable income to do so, or they want more music than they can reasonably afford. For many people who pirate for this reason, it becomes difficult to get back into the habit of paying for content after becoming used to getting it for free. At least one study has shown that there is significant overlap between the people who buy much more music than average and the people who pirate more music than average. Collectors collect, after all.
Lack of Availability And Historic Preservation
Some music isn’t available commercially. Albums go out of print, and can be difficult or impossible to find because record labels go out of business, or because the band considers them embarrassing compared to their later output; Tori Amos, Pantera, and Björk all have early albums that they feel aren’t relevant to their later careers and successes (and in those three cases, they’re certainly right). In many areas of the country, music store options have become very limited in the last ten years, which can make getting obscure and small-label releases nearly impossible in these markets. Many albums are only distributed in specific countries. Some are so rare they’re bought as collector items rather than as music. A $200 vinyl record is too valuable to play. A lot of music was never distributed for profit in the first place, including white label releases, demos and bootlegs.
Music that is out of print—historically, this is most recorded music ever available commercially—isn’t available unless it is pirated and will only survive if the people to whom it means the most preserve it themselves. There is often no corporate interest in preserving the catalog of some legacy artists whose popularity or impact has never been notable. Currently, many businesses in the music industry have no commercial interest in preserving their own archives beyond that which they believe can be sold profitably.
Resentment Of Middlemen
The commercial interest of record labels often runs counter to the interests of music lovers, particularly those fans who are most invested in the music they listen to. Artists traditionally receive an absurdly tiny fraction of album sales. Many “pirates” are aware that the difference paid to the artist between buying an album and downloading an album illegally is often about $0.15 - $0.75 per album, and are therefore morally opposed to the system for this reason. Many pirates will still buy music directly from the artist, online or at shows, because the artist gets a much larger percentage of the profit. Large record labels don’t serve a valuable function anymore - less people than ever need a record label picking and choosing which artists are valid or interesting, and don’t believe that the label does enough work for the artists to justify 98-99% of the revenue of a record’s sale.
Some established artists such as Radiohead and Nine Inch Nails have even come out against the current royalty system in a way that up-and-coming artists often can’t afford to risk. The system is unfriendly toward artists, and many pirates and artists choose to subvert it specifically for this reason, agreeing that the artist creating the recording has a lot more to do with its artistic value than those people at the record label who are involved with the album strictly as product. This isn’t to suggest that people employed by record labels should be working for free, but they’re also not creating 98% of the recording’s value.
Folk Law
People sometimes believe that copyright violation isn’t illegal because no money is being transferred. In the history of online computing, copyright violation has always been accompanied by a healthy dose of “folk law”, which describes justifications that appear to be more legally sound than they are to people who are not familiar with the law. While many of the other justifications for piracy detailed here describe philosophical, moral, or legal perspectives, the “folk law” defenses are quite simply factually incorrect.
One folk law defense is as old as organized computer piracy itself, the idea usually expressed as “you may use this content for 24 hours, after that, you are legally required to delete the content or purchase it”. Copyright law, as one might expect, does not include a provision in which piracy is defined by the duration for which it occurs.
“You may only download this content if you own it” is often used to excuse people from downloading music, video or entertainment content they’ve already purchased. Under US law, there is no grant of license for you to download, much less provide content to others, on the basis that you already paid for it in some instance. When one purchases an album, one does not own the music, they own a right to play it for their own non-commercial pleasure. The fact that you have an album in your home and have downloaded it because it is easier to do than to find and play the CD or encode it to a different format is not a legal justification. One has a right to create a backup of one’s own media, but not to download someone else’s backup of that person’s media, even if you own it as well. Even if this right did exist, it would not apply to different versions of an album, and many albums go through many releases, often in editions which are almost completely identical to one another, differing in minor details.
“The BitTorrent files on this server are meant for the distribution of backups which are not hosted on this server.” This defense has actually held up in a couple of cases, but usually because the judge or jury didn’t understand the technology; existing law makes it fairly clear that you are not permitted to knowingly facilitate the piracy of others. This very tenuous loophole is being closed through precedent of existing law as well as specific provisions of the OPEN Act. One is not given a pass for downloading someone else’s backup, as described in the previous paragraph.
“If you are a member of a law enforcement agency or an employee of a business affiliated with the RIAA, you may not use this service and MUST disconnect immediately.” Legal precedent does not allow for the enforcement of illegal contracts, and a contract that specifically prohibits the enforcement of applicable laws is not valid.
Most of these formations of folk law were first formulated decades ago by people—usually teenage operators of stand-alone computer bulletin board systems (BBSes) used for software piracy—as a sort of disclaimer to eliminate the provider’s legal liability. It should be noted that it is completely ineffective in doing so.
Opposition to Intellectual Property Law
Many pirates willing to make a moral defense of copyright infringement take issue with the length and degree of protection that current copyright law offers. To them, piracy is not the problem, but a work-around to the problem of a legal framework which they oppose.
Piracy Is Not the Problem, Copyright and Other Intellectual Property Laws Are the Problem
Many intellectual property mechanisms, including copyrights, were originally meant to facilitate the creation of new content to enter the public domain, but are now used to prevent new content from ever getting to the public domain. Copyright law in the US was originally proposed to last 7 years, written into law as 14, and eventually doubled to 28 years. Through a series of extensions, the copyright protection of recorded music published for consumers lasts until 70 years after the death of the author, or if work of corporate authorship, the shorter of 95 years from publication, or 120 years from creation. The net effect is that something recorded and first sold for the public this year will only enter the public domain in 2082, if the creator is dead, or dies in 2012. If Miley Cyrus is fortunate enough to live until she’s 90, her 2010 album Can’t Be Tamed will enter the public domain in 2152.
The original function of the copyright law was not to protect “intellectual property holders”, it was to provide a monopoly incentive to distribute new works for a limited period of time, after which they would be public domain in order to promote the arts and sciences. The goal of new content entering the public domain after allowing a short period of monopoly distribution is to encourage new works will be made, and that the public has access to them in a reasonable period of time. Now, the only way content enters the public domain is either by accident or neglect. Assuming the law is not extended further - and this is a ridiculous assumption - Can’t Be Tamed will be released into the public domain in 2152. While one could certainly argue that the album is not culturally relevant today, the idea of it being culturally relevant in 140 years defies belief.
The net result of nothing new entering the public domain, and what little that does enter it does so long after it’s culturally relevant is this: the culture we participate in as citizens is a culture we’re prevented from participating in unless we pay a “toll” at every opportunity. By allowing the monopoly distribution rights to be extended indefinitely, what we’ve done is prevent people from participating in their own culture. The sampling movement and the legal actions against it is a good demonstration, as is the ability of the RIAA to make Internet distribution fees for music so expensive that it forces people out of the game, even if they’re only interested in being a non-profit organization. Is sampling an art form? Is copying an entire song and singing or rapping over it worthy of protecting? That’s the wrong question. Here’s the right one: is it part of our culture, and should we pay a penalty for participating in it?
Consider these albums that would have never been made in their existing forms had sampling other works been prevented:
Grandmaster Flash - The Adventures of Grandmaster Flash on the Wheels of Steel (1981)
Negativland - Escape from Noise (1987)
Public Enemy - It Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold Us Back (1988)
Skinny Puppy - Last Rights (1992)
Portishead - Dummy (1994)
The Beastie Boys - Ill Communication (1994)
DJ Shadow - Endtroducing (1996)
2 Many DJ’s - As Heard On Radio Soulwax Pt. 2 (2001)
Danger Mouse - The Grey Album (2004)
Kanye West - Graduation (2007)
Girl Talk - Feed The Animals (2008)
Should we be willing to throw all this music under the bus just because it shares a technique in common with the lazy sort of sampling used by Vanilla Ice and MC Hammer? Should a video of a teenager singing a pop song in her bedroom be subject to the concentrated attention of the intellectual property rights cartel?
The attack of non-commercial use isn’t incidental. Having originally been given 14 (then 28, then more) years to profit from copyright monopoly protection, current intellectual property owners are now legally entitled to profit from work which none of the creators are alive to enjoy the fruits of. Most records do not enjoy a shelf life of 38 years and counting, such as Pink Floyd’s Dark Side of the Moon. Most albums make the bulk of their original sales in the first five years of their release. For the intellectual property owners, this simply isn’t enough, and often results in countless releases and re-releases of those albums that do stand the test of time, and the abandonment of those which don’t. Much like George Lucas and Star Wars, subsequent re-releases are often nothing more than a cash grab, subject to whatever whims of popular music mastering are in play at the time, including “brickwalling” the audio so that the only volume in a given track is “loud”.
This is a deliberate privation of the public commons, and it’s not limited to the distribution of albums: even our freedoms of speech are at risk. These companies that enjoy unprecedented copyright protection for the products of our culture try to shut down those few exceptions to the copyright rules by fighting against parody, satire, commentary, criticism, news reporting, research, teaching, library use, and scholarship. Under the Digital Millennium Copyright Act and successor bills, the penalties for some copyright protection are so severe that even a simple take-down notice is sufficient to remove most content from the Internet. Even if the material does not infringe on copyright due to Fair Use or other considerations, it is usually enough to scare the accused into compliance with the issuer’s wishes. This has been used to silence satire and parody, sampling, and critical review. It has been used to silence protest.
Copyright: The Five Year Plan
The founders of the United States of America felt that fourteen years was good enough when cultural trends changed slowly, and culture traveled at the speed of horseback. It would follow that five years is much more than sufficient copyright protection when cultural trends change with the season and when culture travels at the speed of light. But five years isn’t good enough for the intellectual property cartel: it wants exclusive rights forever and it’s getting them in the form of never-expiring extensions. A system of intellectual property laws that errs too far in favour of the original copyright holder at the expense of the original goal of getting content into the public domain is not a system worth preserving; the monetary, political, and social costs are simply too great.
Support a five year, non-renewable copyright law, and the elimination of “idea” patents, both of which slow innovation and serve to separate us from the culture we’re entitled to participate in. This would be a five year non-renewable copyright from the first date of publication. “Publication” refers to the public distribution, performance, or sale of a work. This five years of copyright is a protected monopoly on publication, similar to existing copyright law. After this non-renewable five year copyright protection has expired, the work can be used for any purpose, commercial or private, by any person. The only caveat is that reasonable efforts must be made to credit the original sources of content where such content comprises a significant portion of a derivative product, similar in spirit to the Creative Commons Attribution license requirement.
Modeled after the Copyright Act of 1790, but written in modern and relatively clear language devoid of some of the legal jargon, a new five year act would read something like this:
Universal Millennium Copyright Act (UMCA)
An Act for the encouragement of learning and the free flow of culture, by securing the expression of creative work to the authors and proprietors of such expressions for a specified period of time.
Section 1: Upon the passage of this act, the authors of any expression of work of writing, musical score, musical performance, dramatic performance, pictoral work, graphic work, sculptural work, audiovisual work, sound recordings, architectural work, and compilations or derivatives of these, published within the United States, being a citizen or citizens thereof, or resident within the same, his or their executors, administrators or assigns, who halt or have not transferred to any other person the copyright of such works, share or shares thereof; and any other person or persons, being a citizen or citizens of the United States, or residents of, his or their executors, administrators or assigns, who have purchased or legally acquired the copyright of any works, in order to publish via public distribution, public performance or sale of such works shall have the sole right and liberty of publishing such works, for the term of five years from the date of initial sale or public performance or public distribution, including works performed, distributed, or sold before the passage of this act. At the expiration of the said term, said term may not be renewed for the original instance of the work in question.
Section 2: If any other person or persons, from and after the first initial sale, public distribution or public performance of any work protected in Section 1, within the five year term of protection granted by this act, shall cause to be sold, publicly distributed or publicly performed any copy or copies of such works, without the legal consent of the author or proprietor thereof then such offender or offenders shall forfeit and destroy all and every copy of said work. Every such offender and offenders shall also forfeit and pay the existing reasonable sale value of the original work or the value of the unlawful sale, whichever is greater, for every instance of the work which has been sold, publicly distributed, or publicly performed to the author or proprietor or agent of said work contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, plus additional reasonable punitive damages. Provided always that hat such action be commenced within one year after the end of the protections thus granted, and not afterwards.
Section 3: Protections and copyrights granted by states and foreign nations shall be considered legally binding only to the extent where they do not violate the federal United States laws of copyright. If there is any discrepancy between the laws of the United States and the laws of a foreign nation, the less restrictive of the two shall take precedence within the United States.
Section 4: After the expiration of the protections offered in this act, any persons within or outside the United States may use works which have expired from this protection for any reasons, commercial or non-commercial, public or private. Thereafter, a reasonable attempt must be made to attribute to the original authors those works which were created by them and either distributed by or used in the derivative works of others. The author’s previous copyright identification, if provided in the original, or at the very least author’s name and the name of the work if no other information is available, is required to be duplicated in a way that is reasonable to the medium in which the original author’s work is distributed or used.
Much like the Copyright Act of 1790, it’s not air-tight, and it’s subject to other considerations, but it lays a clear framework for a doctrine of a five year copyright protection. “Reasonable punitive damages” would have to be defined in a way where plaintiffs do not game the system, such as SCO’s claimed damages of $1.4 million in the case against Kevin Mitnick for violating their copyrights by unauthorized copying of software, something he never attempted to sell or distribute. SCO’s technique is typical in overzealous prosectution: the “cost” of this copyright violation included the entire development costs of the software, and not its $216 per-instance licensing fee. The RIAA’s claim of damages of $80,000 per song in the Jammie Thomas-Rasset case is a more relevant example. More reasonable damages would have been ~$1 per song distributed plus punitive damages no more than double the total amount. Under this act, had it applied to Thomas-Rasset’s case, this would have been $24 to $72 for the 24 tracks the RIAA sought relief from if “song distributed” is counted as “songs downloaded”, or closer to $1,700 to a punitive maximum $5,100 if the plaintiffs had sought relief for all 1,700 tracks. I cannot tell from existing court documents how many people downloaded the songs from Thomas-Rasset, or if the plaintiff’s case was in any way related to those amounts.
The word “expression” is to offset it from “idea”, which copyrights do not cover, and which patents aren’t supposed to cover, but frequently do at the very least with regard to software. Fair Use is specified elsewhere in law, and should also be described in the text of the UMCA so as to make such Fair Use protections as strong as possible. What constitutes “publishing” would need to be expanded, too. Take for instance J. D. Salinger’s work “The Ocean Full of Bowling Balls”, which is provided to the Princeton Library and may only be viewed under closely guarded conditions. The day this was viewable to those with access to the library would constitute its date of publication (public distribution), even though Salinger’s wishes are to have the content secured for 50 years after his death and not published until then, or 2060. Under the UCMA, this protection would be valid only until 2015, five years after the date of publication. Had Salinger wished his story to remain private until 2060, he would have had the option of not donating it to the Princeton Library, thus not publicly publishing it, and instructing his family or agents to release it to the public in 2060.
The result of this would not be to diminish the production of new media; the result would be an explosion of new additions to the public domain, and the public domain becoming the rich resource to the public which the authors of the original US copyright proposals intended it to be. While anyone would be free to distribute content over five years old, it’s often the case that the original commercial publishers will still be able to make money on existing content. A good example of this are the new editions of classic Pink Floyd albums such as Dark Side of the Moon. While under the UMCA, anyone would currently be able to distribute Dark Side of the Moon in any format released before 2007, EMI would still have been able to release the much vaunted 2011 Immersion Edition for five years after initial publication. As the original master tapes were never publicly published (and frankly rarely are in that they’re not a media relevant to most people), they still had access to unpublished originals which they were free to compile and expand. Under the UMCA, the Immersion Edition of Dark Side of the Moon would be under EMI’s exclusive rights until late 2016; you could freely distribute, sell or compile pre-2007 editions, but only EMI would have had access to content required to create the 2011 release. All those fans who take issue with George Lucas’s continued alteration of his original Star Wars films would, under the UMCA, have a perfectly reasonable alternative: they could have any incarnation of the series they wanted on any media, all the way back to the first commercially available format. As in EMI’s case, Lucasfilm would have access to originals which would give them a significant advantage for the creation of any future derivative works, as the original film negatives or the rights to them weren’t ever sold.
Artists and content creators deserve to get paid for the work they wish to sell or exhibit to the public, but everyone deserves to get rewarded fairly for their productive efforts. A copyright should be an incentive to publish, and not what effectively amounts to an heirloom that is passed from author to inheritor for 70 years. No more than I inherit the value of my great grandfather’s physical labour should the great grandson of a successful artist exclusively inherit the fruits of his ancestor’s artistic labour. After it enters the culture, a work’s copyright should be a ticking five-year clock, after which the work passes into the culture mostly unfettered, free, and open to derivative work. To deny the public the right to have a rich public domain is not merely commercial greed, it is detrimental to the culture, and represents a theft of the commons; this is our cultural heritage, not cheap property to be hidden away in a vault until a few special individuals figure out a way to generate another revenue stream from it.
This is not a partisan issue; both parties are paid to support a continuing copyright extension by powerful media lobbies. The degree of influence of the intellectual property cartel has nothing to do with party, it has to do with money, and the IP cartels judiciously support candidates in both parties to ensure that their interests are served at the expense of the interests of the public and the public domain itself.
This is not a fight against capitalism or corporatism. This is a fight against censorship and the right to participate in our own culture. From 1969 to 1995, the Internet existed as an expressly non-commercial space. Since 1995, the Internet has been open to more and more commercial activity. The amount of innovation, utility, commercial potential and opportunity for free expression has increased dramatically; this increase doesn’t become part of everyday life until after 1995. The OPEN Act does not support innovation, freedom, utility, or commerce, the support a backwards-looking Internet policy based on protecting the IP cartel from innovation, freedom, and utility. The OPEN Act and the current IP framework represents a desire for the US government to defend the cartels from their own business practices and a recent history of turning their customers into their enemies.
Many supporters of bills such as the OPEN Act portray piracy as if most sites were involved in profitable activity. These cases are the exception, and do not represent a large portion of private or public torrent trackers, nor of piracy more generally. By conflating piracy with counterfeiting and for-profit pay-for-play, the intellectual property cartel hopes to portray any organization which supports piracy and intellectual freedom as a siphon sucking out hard-earned money out of the mouths of people who work for a living. Challenge this straw man argument.
Intellectual property law is a pay-for-play scandal, and like most other scandals, can only occur in the absence of transparency and public attention. Let your government know what you expect and that you’re watching. Support a maximum five year non-renewable copyright; the UMCA is a simple example framework of this idea.